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Calvin Coolidge Speech - Inaugural address
My Countrymen:
No one can contemplate current conditions without finding much that is
satisfying and still more that is encouraging. Our own country is leading
the world in the general readjustment to the results of the great
conflict. Many of its burdens will bear heavily upon us for years, and the
secondary and indirect effects we must expect to experience for some time.
But we are beginning to comprehend more definitely what course should be
pursued, what remedies ought to be applied, what actions should be taken
for our deliverance, and are clearly manifesting a determined will
faithfully and conscientiously to adopt these methods of relief. Already
we have sufficiently rearranged our domestic affairs so that confidence
has returned, business has revived, and we appear to be entering an era of
prosperity which is gradually reaching into every part of the Nation.
Realizing that we can not live unto ourselves alone, we have contributed
of our resources and our counsel to the relief of the suffering and the
settlement of the disputes among the European nations. Because of what
America is and what America has done, a firmer courage, a higher hope,
inspires the heart of all humanity.
These results have not occurred by mere chance. They have been secured by
a constant and enlightened effort marked by many sacrifices and extending
over many generations. We can not continue these brilliant successes in
the future, unless we continue to learn from the past. It is necessary to
keep the former experiences of our country both at home and abroad
continually before us, if we are to have any science of government. If we
wish to erect new structures, we must have a definite knowledge of the old
foundations. We must realize that human nature is about the most constant
thing in the universe and that the essentials of human relationship do not
change. We must frequently take our bearings from these fixed stars of our
political firmament if we expect to hold a true course. If we examine
carefully what we have done, we can determine the more accurately what we
can do.
We stand at the opening of the one hundred and fiftieth year since our
national consciousness first asserted itself by unmistakable action with
an array of force. The old sentiment of detached and dependent colonies
disappeared in the new sentiment of a united and independent Nation. Men
began to discard the narrow confines of a local charter for the broader
opportunities of a national constitution. Under the eternal urge of
freedom we became an independent Nation. A little less than 50 years later
that freedom and independence were reasserted in the face of all the
world, and guarded, supported, and secured by the Monroe doctrine. The
narrow fringe of States along the Atlantic seaboard advanced its frontiers
across the hills and plains of an intervening continent until it passed
down the golden slope to the Pacific. We made freedom a birthright. We
extended our domain over distant islands in order to safeguard our own
interests and accepted the consequent obligation to bestow justice and
liberty upon less favored peoples. In the defense of our own ideals and in
the general cause of liberty we entered the Great War. When victory had
been fully secured, we withdrew to our own shores unrecompensed save in
the consciousness of duty done.
Throughout all these experiences we have enlarged our freedom, we have
strengthened our independence. We have been, and propose to be, more and
more American. We believe that we can best serve our own country and most
successfully discharge our obligations to humanity by continuing to be
openly and candidly, intensely and scrupulously, American. If we have any
heritage, it has been that. If we have any destiny, we have found it in
that direction.
But if we wish to continue to be distinctively American, we must continue
to make that term comprehensive enough to embrace the legitimate desires
of a civilized and enlightened people determined in all their relations to
pursue a conscientious and religious life. We can not permit ourselves to
be narrowed and dwarfed by slogans and phrases. It is not the adjective,
but the substantive, which is of real importance. It is not the name of
the action, but the result of the action, which is the chief concern. It
will be well not to be too much disturbed by the thought of either
isolation or entanglement of pacifists and militarists. The physical
configuration of the earth has separated us from all of the Old World, but
the common brotherhood of man, the highest law of all our being, has
united us by inseparable bonds with all humanity. Our country represents
nothing but peaceful intentions toward all the earth, but it ought not to
fail to maintain such a military force as comports with the dignity and
security of a great people. It ought to be a balanced force, intensely
modern, capable of defense by sea and land, beneath the surface and in the
air. But it should be so conducted that all the world may see in it, not a
menace, but an instrument of security and peace.
This Nation believes thoroughly in an honorable peace under which the
rights of its citizens are to be everywhere protected. It has never found
that the necessary enjoyment of such a peace could be maintained only by a
great and threatening array of arms. In common with other nations, it is
now more determined than ever to promote peace through friendliness and
good will, through mutual understandings and mutual forbearance. We have
never practiced the policy of competitive armaments. We have recently
committed ourselves by covenants with the other great nations to a
limitation of our sea power. As one result of this, our Navy ranks larger,
in comparison, than it ever did before. Removing the burden of expense and
jealousy, which must always accrue from a keen rivalry, is one of the most
effective methods of diminishing that unreasonable hysteria and
misunderstanding which are the most potent means of fomenting war. This
policy represents a new departure in the world. It is a thought, an ideal,
which has led to an entirely new line of action. It will not be easy to
maintain. Some never moved from their old positions, some are constantly
slipping back to the old ways of thought and the old action of seizing a
musket and relying on force. America has taken the lead in this new
direction, and that lead America must continue to hold. If we expect
others to rely on our fairness and justice we must show that we rely on
their fairness and justice.
If we are to judge by past experience, there is much to be hoped for in
international relations from frequent conferences and consultations. We
have before us the beneficial results of the Washington conference and the
various consultations recently held upon European affairs, some of which
were in response to our suggestions and in some of which we were active
participants. Even the failures can not but be accounted useful and an
immeasurable advance over threatened or actual warfare. I am strongly in
favor of continuation of this policy, whenever conditions are such that
there is even a promise that practical and favorable results might be
secured.
In conformity with the principle that a display of reason rather than a
threat of force should be the determining factor in the intercourse among
nations, we have long advocated the peaceful settlement of disputes by
methods of arbitration and have negotiated many treaties to secure that
result. The same considerations should lead to our adherence to the
Permanent Court of International Justice. Where great principles are
involved, where great movements are under way which promise much for the
welfare of humanity by reason of the very fact that many other nations
have given such movements their actual support, we ought not to withhold
our own sanction because of any small and inessential difference, but only
upon the ground of the most important and compelling fundamental reasons.
We can not barter away our independence or our sovereignty, but we ought
to engage in no refinements of logic, no sophistries, and no subterfuges,
to argue away the undoubted duty of this country by reason of the might of
its numbers, the power of its resources, and its position of leadership in
the world, actively and comprehensively to signify its approval and to
bear its full share of the responsibility of a candid and disinterested
attempt at the establishment of a tribunal for the administration of
even-handed justice between nation and nation. The weight of our enormous
influence must be cast upon the side of a reign not of force but of law
and trial, not by battle but by reason.
We have never any wish to interfere in the political conditions of any
other countries. Especially are we determined not to become implicated in
the political controversies of the Old World. With a great deal of
hesitation, we have responded to appeals for help to maintain order,
protect life and property, and establish responsible government in some of
the small countries of the Western Hemisphere. Our private citizens have
advanced large sums of money to assist in the necessary financing and
relief of the Old World. We have not failed, nor shall we fail to respond,
whenever necessary to mitigate human suffering and assist in the
rehabilitation of distressed nations. These, too, are requirements which
must be met by reason of our vast powers and the place we hold in the
world.
Some of the best thought of mankind has long been seeking for a formula
for permanent peace. Undoubtedly the clarification of the principles of
international law would be helpful, and the efforts of scholars to prepare
such a work for adoption by the various nations should have our sympathy
and support. Much may be hoped for from the earnest studies of those who
advocate the outlawing of aggressive war. But all these plans and
preparations, these treaties and covenants, will not of themselves be
adequate. One of the greatest dangers to peace lies in the economic
pressure to which people find themselves subjected. One of the most
practical things to be done in the world is to seek arrangements under
which such pressure may be removed, so that opportunity may be renewed and
hope may be revived. There must be some assurance that effort and endeavor
will be followed by success and prosperity. In the making and financing of
such adjustments there is not only an opportunity, but a real duty, for
America to respond with her counsel and her resources. Conditions must be
provided under which people can make a living and work out of their
difficulties. But there is another element, more important than all,
without which there can not be the slightest hope of a permanent peace.
That element lies in the heart of humanity. Unless the desire for peace be
cherished there, unless this fundamental and only natural source of
brotherly love be cultivated to its highest degree, all artificial efforts
will be in vain. Peace will come when there is realization that only under
a reign of law, based on righteousness and supported by the religious
conviction of the brotherhood of man, can there be any hope of a complete
and satisfying life. Parchment will fail, the sword will fail, it is only
the spiritual nature of man that can be triumphant.
It seems altogether probable that we can contribute most to these
important objects by maintaining our position of political detachment and
independence. We are not identified with any Old World interests. This
position should be made more and more clear in our relations with all
foreign countries. We are at peace with all of them. Our program is never
to oppress, but always to assist. But while we do justice to others, we
must require that justice be done to us. With us a treaty of peace means
peace, and a treaty of amity means amity. We have made great contributions
to the settlement of contentious differences in both Europe and Asia. But
there is a very definite point beyond which we can not go. We can only
help those who help themselves. Mindful of these limitations, the one
great duty that stands out requires us to use our enormous powers to trim
the balance of the world.
While we can look with a great deal of pleasure upon what we have done
abroad, we must remember that our continued success in that direction
depends upon what we do at home. Since its very outset, it has been found
necessary to conduct our Government by means of political parties. That
system would not have survived from generation to generation if it had not
been fundamentally sound and provided the best instrumentalities for the
most complete expression of the popular will. It is not necessary to claim
that it has always worked perfectly. It is enough to know that nothing
better has been devised. No one would deny that there should be full and
free expression and an opportunity for independence of action within the
party. There is no salvation in a narrow and bigoted partisanship. But if
there is to be responsible party government, the party label must be
something more than a mere device for securing office. Unless those who
are elected under the same party designation are willing to assume
sufficient responsibility and exhibit sufficient loyalty and coherence, so
that they can cooperate with each other in the support of the broad
general principles, of the party platform, the election is merely a
mockery, no decision is made at the polls, and there is no representation
of the popular will. Common honesty and good faith with the people who
support a party at the polls require that party, when it enters office, to
assume the control of that portion of the Government to which it has been
elected. Any other course is bad faith and a violation of the party
pledges.
When the country has bestowed its confidence upon a party by making it a
majority in the Congress, it has a right to expect such unity of action as
will make the party majority an effective instrument of government. This
Administration has come into power with a very clear and definite mandate
from the people. The expression of the popular will in favor of
maintaining our constitutional guarantees was overwhelming and decisive.
There was a manifestation of such faith in the integrity of the courts
that we can consider that issue rejected for some time to come. Likewise,
the policy of public ownership of railroads and certain electric utilities
met with unmistakable defeat. The people declared that they wanted their
rights to have not a political but a judicial determination, and their
independence and freedom continued and supported by having the ownership
and control of their property, not in the Government, but in their own
hands. As they always do when they have a fair chance, the people
demonstrated that they are sound and are determined to have a sound
government.
When we turn from what was rejected to inquire what was accepted, the
policy that stands out with the greatest clearness is that of economy in
public expenditure with reduction and reform of taxation. The principle
involved in this effort is that of conservation. The resources of this
country are almost beyond computation. No mind can comprehend them. But
the cost of our combined governments is likewise almost beyond definition.
Not only those who are now making their tax returns, but those who meet
the enhanced cost of existence in their monthly bills, know by hard
experience what this great burden is and what it does. No matter what
others may want, these people want a drastic economy. They are opposed to
waste. They know that extravagance lengthens the hours and diminishes the
rewards of their labor. I favor the policy of economy, not because I wish
to save money, but because I wish to save people. The men and women of
this country who toil are the ones who bear the cost of the Government.
Every dollar that we carelessly waste means that their life will be so
much the more meager. Every dollar that we prudently save means that their
life will be so much the more abundant. Economy is idealism in its most
practical form.
If extravagance were not reflected in taxation, and through taxation both
directly and indirectly injuriously affecting the people, it would not be
of so much consequence. The wisest and soundest method of solving our tax
problem is through economy. Fortunately, of all the great nations this
country is best in a position to adopt that simple remedy. We do not any
longer need wartime revenues. The collection of any taxes which are not
absolutely required, which do not beyond reasonable doubt contribute to
the public welfare, is only a species of legalized larceny. Under this
republic the rewards of industry belong to those who earn them. The only
constitutional tax is the tax which ministers to public necessity. The
property of the country belongs to the people of the country. Their title
is absolute. They do not support any privileged class; they do not need to
maintain great military forces; they ought not to be burdened with a great
array of public employees. They are not required to make any contribution
to Government expenditures except that which they voluntarily assess upon
themselves through the action of their own representatives. Whenever taxes
become burdensome a remedy can be applied by the people; but if they do
not act for themselves, no one can be very successful in acting for them.
The time is arriving when we can have further tax reduction, when, unless
we wish to hamper the people in their right to earn a living, we must have
tax reform. The method of raising revenue ought not to impede the
transaction of business; it ought to encourage it. I am opposed to
extremely high rates, because they produce little or no revenue, because
they are bad for the country, and, finally, because they are wrong. We can
not finance the country, we can not improve social conditions, through any
system of injustice, even if we attempt to inflict it upon the rich. Those
who suffer the most harm will be the poor. This country believes in
prosperity. It is absurd to suppose that it is envious of those who are
already prosperous. The wise and correct course to follow in taxation and
all other economic legislation is not to destroy those who have already
secured success but to create conditions under which every one will have a
better chance to be successful. The verdict of the country has been given
on this question. That verdict stands. We shall do well to heed it.
These questions involve moral issues. We need not concern ourselves much
about the rights of property if we will faithfully observe the rights of
persons. Under our institutions their rights are supreme. It is not
property but the right to hold property, both great and small, which our
Constitution guarantees. All owners of property are charged with a
service. These rights and duties have been revealed, through the
conscience of society, to have a divine sanction. The very stability of
our society rests upon production and conservation. For individuals or for
governments to waste and squander their resources is to deny these rights
and disregard these obligations. The result of economic dissipation to a
nation is always moral decay.
These policies of better international understandings, greater economy,
and lower taxes have contributed largely to peaceful and prosperous
industrial relations. Under the helpful influences of restrictive
immigration and a protective tariff, employment is plentiful, the rate of
pay is high, and wage earners are in a state of contentment seldom before
seen. Our transportation systems have been gradually recovering and have
been able to meet all the requirements of the service. Agriculture has
been very slow in reviving, but the price of cereals at last indicates
that the day of its deliverance is at hand.
We are not without our problems, but our most important problem is not to
secure new advantages but to maintain those which we already possess. Our
system of government made up of three separate and independent
departments, our divided sovereignty composed of Nation and State, the
matchless wisdom that is enshrined in our Constitution, all these need
constant effort and tireless vigilance for their protection and support.
In a republic the first rule for the guidance of the citizen is obedience
to law. Under a despotism the law may be imposed upon the subject. He has
no voice in its making, no influence in its administration, it does not
represent him. Under a free government the citizen makes his own laws,
chooses his own administrators, which do represent him. Those who want
their rights respected under the Constitution and the law ought to set the
example themselves of observing the Constitution and the law. While there
may be those of high intelligence who violate the law at times, the
barbarian and the defective always violate it. Those who disregard the
rules of society are not exhibiting a superior intelligence, are not
promoting freedom and independence, are not following the path of
civilization, but are displaying the traits of ignorance, of servitude, of
savagery, and treading the way that leads back to the jungle.
The essence of a republic is representative government. Our Congress
represents the people and the States. In all legislative affairs it is the
natural collaborator with the President. In spite of all the criticism
which often falls to its lot, I do not hesitate to say that there is no
more independent and effective legislative body in the world. It is, and
should be, jealous of its prerogative. I welcome its cooperation, and
expect to share with it not only the responsibility, but the credit, for
our common effort to secure beneficial legislation.
These are some of the principles which America represents. We have not by
any means put them fully into practice, but we have strongly signified our
belief in them. The encouraging feature of our country is not that it has
reached its destination, but that it has overwhelmingly expressed its
determination to proceed in the right direction. It is true that we could,
with profit, be less sectional and more national in our thought. It would
be well if we could replace much that is only a false and ignorant
prejudice with a true and enlightened pride of race. But the last election
showed that appeals to class and nationality had little effect. We were
all found loyal to a common citizenship. The fundamental precept of
liberty is toleration. We can not permit any inquisition either within or
without the law or apply any religious test to the holding of office. The
mind of America must be forever free.
It is in such contemplations, my fellow countrymen, which are not
exhaustive but only representative, that I find ample warrant for
satisfaction and encouragement. We should not let the much that is to do
obscure the much which has been done. The past and present show faith and
hope and courage fully justified. Here stands our country, an example of
tranquillity at home, a patron of tranquillity abroad. Here stands its
Government, aware of its might but obedient to its conscience. Here it
will continue to stand, seeking peace and prosperity, solicitous for the
welfare of the wage earner, promoting enterprise, developing waterways and
natural resources, attentive to the intuitive counsel of womanhood,
encouraging education, desiring the advancement of religion, supporting
the cause of justice and honor among the nations. America seeks no earthly
empire built on blood and force. No ambition, no temptation, lures her to
thought of foreign dominions. The legions which she sends forth are armed,
not with the sword, but with the cross. The higher state to which she
seeks the allegiance of all mankind is not of human, but of divine origin.
She cherishes no purpose save to merit the favor of Almighty God.
Calvin Coolidge
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