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James Buchanan Speech - Inaugural Address
Fellow-Citizens:
I appear before you this day to take the solemn oath "that I will
faithfully execute the office of President of the United States and will
to the best of my ability preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution
of the United States."
In entering upon this great office I must humbly invoke the God of our
fathers for wisdom and firmness to execute its high and responsible duties
in such a manner as to restore harmony and ancient friendship among the
people of the several States and to preserve our free institutions
throughout many generations. Convinced that I owe my election to the
inherent love for the Constitution and the Union which still animates the
hearts of the American people, let me earnestly ask their powerful support
in sustaining all just measures calculated to perpetuate these, the
richest political blessings which Heaven has ever bestowed upon any
nation. Having determined not to become a candidate for reelection, I
shall have no motive to influence my conduct in administering the
Government except the desire ably and faithfully to serve my country and
to live in grateful memory of my countrymen.
We have recently passed through a Presidential contest in which the
passions of our fellow-citizens were excited to the highest degree by
questions of deep and vital importance; but when the people proclaimed
their will the tempest at once subsided and all was calm.
The voice of the majority, speaking in the manner prescribed by the
Constitution , was heard, and instant submission followed. Our own country
could alone have exhibited so grand and striking a spectacle of the
capacity of man for self-government.
What a happy conception, then, was it for Congress to apply this simple
rule, that the will of the majority shall govern, to the settlement of the
question of domestic slavery in the Territories. Congress is neither "to
legislate slavery into any Territory or State nor to exclude it therefrom,
but to leave the people thereof perfectly free to form and regulate their
domestic institutions in their own way, subject only to the Constitution
of the United States."
As a natural consequence, Congress has also prescribed that when the
Territory of Kansas shall be admitted as a State it "shall be received
into the Union with or without slavery, as their constitution may
prescribe at the time of their admission." A difference of opinion has
arisen in regard to the point of time when the people of a Territory shall
decide this question for themselves.
This is, happily, a matter of but little practical importance. Besides, it
is a judicial question, which legitimately belongs to the Supreme Court of
the United States, before whom it is now pending, and will, it is
understood, be speedily and finally settled. To their decision, in common
with all good citizens, I shall cheerfully submit, whatever this may be,
though it has ever been my individual opinion that under the
Nebraska-Kansas act the appropriate period will be when the number of
actual residents in the Territory shall justify the formation of a
constitution with a view to its admission as a State into the Union. But
be this as it may, it is the imperative and indispensable duty of the
Government of the United States to secure to every resident inhabitant the
free and independent expression of his opinion by his vote. This sacred
right of each individual must be preserved. That being accomplished,
nothing can be fairer than to leave the people of a Territory free from
all foreign interference to decide their own destiny for themselves,
subject only to the Constitution of the United States.
The whole Territorial question being thus settled upon the principle of
popular sovereignty--a principle as ancient as free government
itself--everything of a practical nature has been decided. No other
question remains for adjustment, because all agree that under the
Constitution slavery in the States is beyond the reach of any human power
except that of the respective States themselves wherein it exists. May we
not, then, hope that the long agitation on this subject is approaching its
end, and that the geographical parties to which it has given birth, so
much dreaded by the Father of his Country, will speedily become extinct?
Most happy will it be for the country when the public mind shall be
diverted from this question to others of more pressing and practical
importance. Throughout the whole progress of this agitation, which has
scarcely known any intermission for more than twenty years, whilst it has
been productive of no positive good to any human being it has been the
prolific source of great evils to the master, to the slave, and to the
whole country. It has alienated and estranged the people of the sister
States from each other, and has even seriously endangered the very
existence of the Union. Nor has the danger yet entirely ceased. Under our
system there is a remedy for all mere political evils in the sound sense
and sober judgment of the people. Time is a great corrective. Political
subjects which but a few years ago excited and exasperated the public mind
have passed away and are now nearly forgotten. But this question of
domestic slavery is of far graver importance than any mere political
question, because should the agitation continue it may eventually endanger
the personal safety of a large portion of our countrymen where the
institution exists. In that event no form of government, however admirable
in itself and however productive of material benefits, can compensate for
the loss of peace and domestic security around the family altar. Let every
Union-loving man, therefore, exert his best influence to suppress this
agitation, which since the recent legislation of Congress is without any
legitimate object.
It is an evil omen of the times that men have undertaken to calculate the
mere material value of the Union. Reasoned estimates have been presented
of the pecuniary profits and local advantages which would result to
different States and sections from its dissolution and of the comparative
injuries which such an event would inflict on other States and sections.
Even descending to this low and narrow view of the mighty question, all
such calculations are at fault. The bare reference to a single
consideration will be conclusive on this point. We at present enjoy a free
trade throughout our extensive and expanding country such as the world has
never witnessed. This trade is conducted on railroads and canals, on noble
rivers and arms of the sea, which bind together the North and the South,
the East and the West, of our Confederacy. Annihilate this trade, arrest
its free progress by the geographical lines of jealous and hostile States,
and you destroy the prosperity and onward March of the whole and every
part and involve all in one common ruin. But such considerations,
important as they are in themselves, sink into insignificance when we
reflect on the terrific evils which would result from disunion to every
portion of the Confederacy--to the North, not more than to the South, to
the East not more than to the West. These I shall not attempt to portray,
because I feel an humble confidence that the kind Providence which
inspired our fathers with wisdom to frame the most perfect form of
government and union ever devised by man will not suffer it to perish
until it shall have been peacefully instrumental by its example in the
extension of civil and religious liberty throughout the world.
Next in importance to the maintenance of the Constitution and the Union is
the duty of preserving the Government free from the taint or even the
suspicion of corruption. Public virtue is the vital spirit of republics,
and history proves that when this has decayed and the love of money has
usurped its place, although the forms of free government may remain for a
season, the substance has departed forever.
Our present financial condition is without a parallel in history. No
nation has ever before been embarrassed from too large a surplus in its
treasury. This almost necessarily gives birth to extravagant legislation.
It produces wild schemes of expenditure and begets a race of speculators
and jobbers, whose ingenuity is exerted in contriving and promoting
expedients to obtain public money. The purity of official agents, whether
rightfully or wrongfully, is suspected, and the character of the
government suffers in the estimation of the people. This is in itself a
very great evil.
The natural mode of relief from this embarrassment is to appropriate the
surplus in the Treasury to great national objects for which a clear
warrant can be found in the Constitution . Among these I might mention the
extinguishment of the public debt, a reasonable increase of the Navy,
which is at present inadequate to the protection of our vast tonnage
afloat, now greater than that of any other nation, as well as to the
defense of our extended seacoast.
It is beyond all question the true principle that no more revenue ought to
be collected from the people than the amount necessary to defray the
expenses of a wise, economical, and efficient administration of the
Government. To reach this point it was necessary to resort to a
modification of the tariff, and this has, I trust, been accomplished in
such a manner as to do as little injury as may have been practicable to
our domestic manufactures, especially those necessary for the defense of
the country. Any discrimination against a particular branch for the
purpose of benefiting favored corporations, individuals, or interests
would have been unjust to the rest of the community and inconsistent with
that spirit of fairness and equality which ought to govern in the
adjustment of a revenue tariff.
But the squandering of the public money sinks into comparative
insignificance as a temptation to corruption when compared with the
squandering of the public lands.
No nation in the tide of time has ever been blessed with so rich and noble
an inheritance as we enjoy in the public lands. In administering this
important trust, whilst it may be wise to grant portions of them for the
improvement of the remainder, yet we should never forget that it is our
cardinal policy to reserve these lands, as much as may be, for actual
settlers, and this at moderate prices. We shall thus not only best promote
the prosperity of the new States and Territories, by furnishing them a
hardy and independent race of honest and industrious citizens, but shall
secure homes for our children and our children's children, as well as for
those exiles from foreign shores who may seek in this country to improve
their condition and to enjoy the blessings of civil and religious liberty.
Such emigrants have done much to promote the growth and prosperity of the
country. They have proved faithful both in peace and in war. After
becoming citizens they are entitled, under the Constitution and laws, to
be placed on a perfect equality with native-born citizens, and in this
character they should ever be kindly recognized.
The Federal Constitution is a grant from the States to Congress of certain
specific powers, and the question whether this grant should be liberally
or strictly construed has more or less divided political parties from the
beginning. Without entering into the argument, I desire to state at the
commencement of my Administration that long experience and observation
have convinced me that a strict construction of the powers of the
Government is the only true, as well as the only safe, theory of the
Constitution. Whenever in our past history doubtful powers have been
exercised by Congress, these have never failed to produce injurious and
unhappy consequences. Many such instances might be adduced if this were
the proper occasion. Neither is it necessary for the public service to
strain the language of the Constitution, because all the great and useful
powers required for a successful administration of the Government, both in
peace and in war, have been granted, either in express terms or by the
plainest implication.
Whilst deeply convinced of these truths, I yet consider it clear that
under the war-making power Congress may appropriate money toward the
construction of a military road when this is absolutely necessary for the
defense of any State or Territory of the Union against foreign invasion.
Under the Constitution Congress has power "to declare war," "to raise and
support armies," "to provide and maintain a navy," and to call forth the
militia to "repel invasions." Thus endowed, in an ample manner, with the
war-making power, the corresponding duty is required that "the United
States shall protect each of them the States] against invasion." Now, how
is it possible to afford this protection to California and our Pacific
possessions except by means of a military road through the Territories of
the United States, over which men and munitions of war may be speedily
transported from the Atlantic States to meet and to repel the invader? In
the event of a war with a naval power much stronger than our own we should
then have no other available access to the Pacific Coast, because such a
power would instantly close the route across the isthmus of Central
America. It is impossible to conceive that whilst the Constitution has
expressly required Congress to defend all the States it should yet deny to
them, by any fair construction, the only possible means by which one of
these States can be defended. Besides, the Government, ever since its
origin, has been in the constant practice of constructing military roads.
It might also be wise to consider whether the love for the Union which now
animates our fellow-citizens on the Pacific Coast may not be impaired by
our neglect or refusal to provide for them, in their remote and isolated
condition, the only means by which the power of the States on this side of
the Rocky Mountains can reach them in sufficient time to "protect" them
"against invasion." I forbear for the present from expressing an opinion
as to the wisest and most economical mode in which the Government can lend
its aid in accomplishing this great and necessary work. I believe that
many of the difficulties in the way, which now appear formidable, will in
a great degree vanish as soon as the nearest and best route shall have
been satisfactorily ascertained.
It may be proper that on this occasion I should make some brief remarks in
regard to our rights and duties as a member of the great family of
nations. In our intercourse with them there are some plain principles,
approved by our own experience, from which we should never depart. We
ought to cultivate peace, commerce, and friendship with all nations, and
this not merely as the best means of promoting our own material interests,
but in a spirit of Christian benevolence toward our fellow-men, wherever
their lot may be cast. Our diplomacy should be direct and frank, neither
seeking to obtain more nor accepting less than is our due. We ought to
cherish a sacred regard for the independence of all nations, and never
attempt to interfere in the domestic concerns of any unless this shall be
imperatively required by the great law of self-preservation. To avoid
entangling alliances has been a maxim of our policy ever since the days of
Washington, and its wisdom's no one will attempt to dispute. In short, we
ought to do justice in a kindly spirit to all nations and require justice
from them in return.
It is our glory that whilst other nations have extended their dominions by
the sword we have never acquired any territory except by fair purchase or,
as in the case of Texas, by the voluntary determination of a brave,
kindred, and independent people to blend their destinies with our own.
Even our acquisitions from Mexico form no exception. Unwilling to take
advantage of the fortune of war against a sister republic, we purchased
these possessions under the treaty of peace for a sum which was considered
at the time a fair equivalent. Our past history forbids that we shall in
the future acquire territory unless this be sanctioned by the laws of
justice and honor. Acting on this principle, no nation will have a right
to interfere or to complain if in the progress of events we shall still
further extend our possessions. Hitherto in all our acquisitions the
people, under the protection of the American flag, have enjoyed civil and
religious liberty, as well as equal and just laws, and have been
contented, prosperous, and happy. Their trade with the rest of the world
has rapidly increased, and thus every commercial nation has shared largely
in their successful progress.
I shall now proceed to take the oath prescribed by the Constitution,
whilst humbly invoking the blessing of Divine Providence on this great
people.
James Buchanan
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