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James Polk Speech - War Message
To the Senate and House of Representatives:
The existing state of the relations between the United States and Mexico
renders it proper that I should bring the subject to the consideration of
Congress. In my message at the commencement of your present session, the
state of these relations, the causes which led to the suspension of
diplomatic intercourse between the two countries in March, 1845, and the
long-continued and unredressed wrongs and injuries committed by the
Mexican government on citizens of the United States, in their persons and
property, were briefly set forth.
As the facts and opinions which were then laid before you were carefully
considered, I can not better express my present convictions of the
condition of affairs up to that time, than by referring you to that
communication.
The strong desire to establish peace with Mexico on liberal and honorable
terms, and the readiness of this government to regulate and adjust our
boundary, and other causes of difference with that power, on such fair and
equitable principles as would lead to permanent relations of the most
friendly nature, induced me in September last to seek the reopening of
diplomatic relations between the two countries. Every measure adopted on
our part had for its object the furtherance of these desired results. In
communicating to Congress a succinct statement of the injuries which we
had suffered from Mexico, and which have been accumulating during a period
of more than twenty years, every expression that could tend to inflame the
people of Mexico, or defeat or delay a pacific result, was carefully
avoided. An envoy of the United States repaired to Mexico, with full
powers to adjust every existing difference. But though present on the
Mexican soil, by agreement between the two governments, invested with full
powers, and bearing evidence of the most friendly dispositions, his
mission has been unavailing. The Mexican government not only refused to
receive him, or listen to his propositions, but, after a long-continued
series of menaces, have at last invaded our territory, and shed the blood
of our fellow-citizens on our own soil.
It now becamemy duty to state more in detail the origin, progress, and
failure of that mission. In pursuance of the instructions given in
September last, an inquiry was made, on the 13th of October, 1845, in the
most friendly terms, through our consul in Mexico, of the minister for
foreign affairs, whether the Mexican government "would receive an envoy
from the United States intrusted with full powers to adjust all the
questions in dispute between the two governments;" with the assurance that
"should the answer be in the affirmative, such an envoy would be
immediately despatched to Mexico." The Mexican minister, on the 15th of
October, gave an affirmative answer to this inquiry, requesting, at the
same time, that our naval force at Vera Cruz might be withdrawn, lest its
continued presence might assume the appearance of menace and coercion
pending the negotiations. This force was immediately withdrawn. On the
10th of November, 1845, Mr. John Slidell, of Louisiana, was commissioned
by me as envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary of the United
States to Mexico, and was intrusted with full powers to adjust both the
questions of the Texas boundary and of indemnification to our citizens.
The redress of the wrongs of our citizen naturally and inseparably blended
itself with the question of boundary. The settlement of the one question,
in any correct view of the subject, involves that of the other. I could
not, for a moment, entertain the idea that the claims of our much injured
and long suffering citizens, many of which had existed for more than
twenty years, should be postponed, or separated from the settlement of the
boundary question.
Mr. Slidell arrived at Vera Cruz on the 30th of November, and was
courteously received by the authorities of that city. But the government
of General Herrera was then tottering to its fall. The revolutionary party
had seized upon the Texas question to effect or hasten its overthrow. Its
determination to restore friendly relations with the United States, and to
receive our minister, to negotiate for the settlement of this question,
was violently assailed, and was made the great theme of denunciation
against it. The government of General Herrera, there is good reason to
believe, was sincerely desirous to receive our minister; but it yielded to
the storm raised by its enemies, and on the 21st of December refused to
accredit Mr. Slidell upon the most frivolous pretexts. These are so fully
and ably exposed in the note of Mr. Slidell, of the 24th of December last,
to the Mexican minister of foreign relations, herewith transmitted, that I
deem it unnecessary to enter into further detail on this portion of the
subject.
Five days after the date of Mr. Slidell's note, General Herrera yielded
the government to General Paredes, without a struggle, and on the 30th of
December resigned the presidency. This revolution was accomplished solely
by the army, the people having taken little part in the contest; and thus
the supreme power of Mexico passed into the hands of a military leader.
Determined to leave no effort untried to effect an amicable adjustment
with Mexico, I directed Mr. Slidell to present his credentials to the
government of General Paredes, and ask to be officially received by him.
There would have been less ground for taking this step had General Paredes
come into power by a regular constitutional succession. In that event his
administration would have been considered but a mere constitutional
continuance of the government of General Herrera, and the refusal of the
latter to receive our minister would have been deemed conclusive, unless
an intimation had been given by General Paredes of his desire to reverse
the decision of his predecessor. But the government of General Parades
owes its existence to a military revolution, by which the subsisting
constitutional authorities had been subverted. The form of government was
entirely changed, as well as all the high functionaries by whom it was
administered.
Under these circumstances, Mr. Slidell, in obedience to my direction,
addressed a note to the Mexican minister of foreign relations, under date
of the 1st of March last, asking to be received by that government in the
diplomatic character to which he had been appointed. This minister, in his
reply under date of the 12th of March, reiterated the arguments of his
predecessor, and, in terms that may be considered as giving just grounds
of offence to the government and people of the United States, denied the
application of Mr. Slidell. Nothing, therefore, remained for our envoy but
to demand his passports, and return to his own country.
Thus the government of Mexico, though solemnly pledged by official acts in
October last to receive and accredit an American envoy, violated their
plighted faith, and refused the offer of a peaceful adjustment of our
difficulties. Not only was the offer rejected, but the indignity of its
rejection was enhanced by the manifest breach of faith in refusing to
admit the envoy, who came because they had bound themselves to receive
him. Nor can it be said that the offer was fruitless from the want of
opportunity of discussing it: our envoy was present on their own soil. Nor
can it be ascribed to a want of sufficient powers: our envoy had full
powers to adjust every question of difference. Nor was there room for
complaint that our propositions for settlement were unreasonable:
permission was not even given our envoy to make any proposition whatever.
Nor can it be objected that we, on our part, would not listen to any
reasonable terms of their suggestion: the Mexican government refused all
negotiation, and have made no proposition of any kind.
In my message at the commencement of the present session, I informed you
that, upon the earnest appeal both of the congress and convention of
Texas, I had ordered an efficient military force to take a position
"between the Nueces and the Del Norte" This had become necessary, to meet
a threatened invasion of Texas by the Mexican forces, for which extensive
military preparations had been made. The invasion was threatened solely
because Texas had determined, in accordance with a solemn resolution of
the Congress of the United States, to annex herself to our Union; and,
under these circumstances, it was plainly our duty to extend our
protection over her citizens and soil.
This force was concentrated at Corpus Christi, and remained there until
after I had received such information from Mexico as rendered it probable,
if not certain, that the Mexican government would refuse to receive our
envoy.
Meantime Texas, by the final action of our Congress, had become an
integral part of our Union. The Congress of Texas, by its act of December
19, 1836, had declared the Rio del Norte to be the boundary of that
republic. Its jurisdiction had been extended and exercised beyond the
Nueces. The country between that river and the Del Norte had been
represented in the congress and in the convention of Texas; had thus taken
part in the act of annexation itself; and is now included within one of
our congressional districts. Our own Congress had, moreover, with great
unanimity, by the act approved December 31, 1845, recognised the country
beyond the Nueces as a part of our territory, by including it within our
own revenue system; and a revenue officer, to reside within that district,
has been appointed, by and with the advice and consent of the senate. It
became, therefore, of urgent necessity to provide for the defence of that
portion of our country. Accordingly, on the 13th of January last,
instructions were issued to the general in command of these troops to
occupy the left bank of the Del Norte. This river, which is the
southwestern boundary of the state of Texas, is an exposed frontier; from
this quarter invasion was threatened; upon it, and in its immediate
vicinity, in the judgment of high military experience, are the proper
stations for the protecting forces of the government. In addition to this
important consideration, several others occurred to induce this movement.
Among these are the facilities afforded by the ports at Brazos Santiago
and the mouth of the Del Norte, for the reception of supplies by sea; the
stronger and more healthful military positions; the convenience for
obtaining a ready and a more abundant supply of provisions, water, fuel,
and forage; and the advantages which are afforded by the Del Norte in
forwarding supplies to such posts as may be established in the interior
and upon the Indian frontier.
The movement of the troops to the Del Norte was made by the commanding
general, under positive instructions to abstain from all aggressive acts
toward Mexico or Mexican citizens, and to regard the relations between
that republic and the United States as peaceful, unless she should declare
war, or commit acts of hostility indicative of a state of war. He was
specially directed to protect private property, and respect personal
rights.
The army moved from Corpus Christi on the 11th of March, and on the 28th
of that month arrived on the left bank of the Del Norte, opposite to
Matamoras, where it encamped on a commanding position, which has since
been strengthened by the erection of field works. A depot has also been
established at Point Isabel, near the Brazos Santiago, thirty miles in
rear of the encampment. The selection of his position was necessarily
confided to the judgment of the general in command.
The Mexican forces at Matamoras assumed a belligerent attitude, and, on
the 12th of April, General Ampudia, then in command, notified General
Taylor to break up his camp within twenty-four hours, and to retire beyond
the Nueces river, and, in the event of his failure to comply with these
demands, announced that arms, and arms alone, must decide the question.
But no open act of hostility was committed until the 24th of April. On
that day, General Arista, who had succeeded to the command of the Mexican
forces, communicated to General Taylor that "he considered hostilities
commenced, and should prosecute them." A party of dragoons, of sixty-three
men and officers, were on the same day despatched from the American camp
up the Rio del Norte, on its left bank, to ascertain whether the Mexican
troops had crossed, or were preparing to cross, the river, " became
engaged with a large body of these troops, and, after a short affair, in
which some sixteen were killed and wounded, appear to have been surrounded
and compelled to surrender."
The grievous wrongs perpetrated by Mexico upon our citizens throughout a
long period of years remain unredressed; and solemn treaties, pledging her
public faith for this redress, have been disregarded. A government either
unable or unwilling to enforce the execution of such treaties, fails to
perform one of its plainest duties. Our commerce with Mexico has been
almost annihilated. It was formerly highly beneficial to both nations; but
our merchants have been deterred from prosecuting it by the system of
outrage and extortion which the Mexican authorities have pursued against
them, whilst their appeals through their own government for indemnity have
been made in vain. Our forbearance has gone lo such an extreme as to be
mistaken in its character. Had we acted with vigor in repelling the
insults and redressing the injuries inflicted by Mexico at the
commencement, we should doubtless have escaped all the difficulties in
which we are now involved.
Instead of this, however, we have been exerting our best efforts to
propitiate her good-will. Upon the pretext that Texas, a nation as
independent as herself, thought proper to unite its destinies with our
own, she has affected to believe that we have severed her rightful
territory, and in official proclamations and manifestoes has repeatedly
threatened to make war upon us, for the purpose of reconquering Texas. In
the meantime, we have tried every effort at reconciliation. The cup of
forbearance had been exhausted, even before the recent information from
the frontier of the Del Norte. But now, after reiterated menaces, Mexico
has passed the boundary of the United States, has invaded our territory,
and shed American blood upon the American soil. She has proclaimed that
hostilities have commenced, and that the two nations are now at war.
As war exists, and, notwithstanding all our efforts to avoid it, exists by
the act of Mexico herself, we are called upon by every consideration of
duty and patriotism to vindicate with decision the honor, the rights, and
the interests of our country.
Anticipating the possibility of a crisis like that which has arrived,
instructions were given in August last, "as a precautionary measure"
against invasion, or threatened invasion, authorizing General Taylor, if
the emergency required, to accept volunteers, not from Texas only, but
from the States of Louisiana, Alabama, Mississippi, Tennessee, and
Kentucky; and corresponding letters were addressed to the respective
governors of those states. These instructions were repeated; and, in
January last, soon after the incorporation of "Texas into our union of
states," General Taylor was further "authorized by the President to make a
requisition upon the executive of that State for such of its militia force
as may be needed to repel invasion, or to secure the country against
apprehended invasion." On the second day of March he was again reminded,
"in the event of the approach of any considerable Mexican force, promptly
and efficiently to use the authority with which he was clothed to call to
him such auxiliary force as he might need." War actually existing, and our
territory having been invaded, General Taylor, pursuant to authority
vested in him by my direction, has called on the governor of Texas for
four regiments of state troops - two to be mounted, and two to serve on
foot; and on the governor of Louisiana for four regiments of infantry, to
be sent to him as soon as practicable.
In further vindication of our rights, and defence of our territory, I
invoke the prompt action of Congress to recognise the existence of the
war, and to place at the disposition of the Executive the means of
prosecuting the war with vigor, and thus hastening the restoration of
peace. To this end I recommend that authority should be given to call into
the public service a large body of volunteers, to serve for not less than
six or twelve months, unless sooner discharged. A volunteer force is
beyond question more efficient than any other description of citizen
soldiers; and it is not to be doubted that a number far beyond that
required would readily rush to the field upon the call of their country. I
further recommend that a liberal provision be made for sustaining our
entire military force and furnishing it with supplies and munitions of
war.
The most energetic and prompt measures, and the immediate appearance in
arms of a large and overpowering force, are recommended to Congress as the
most certain and efficient means of bringing the existing collision with
Mexico to a speedy and successful termination.
In making these recommendations, I deem it proper to declare that it is my
anxious desire not only to terminate hostilities speedily, but to bring
all matters in dispute between this government and Mexico to an early and
amicable adjustment; and, in this view, I shall be prepared to renew
negotiations, whenever Mexico shall be ready to receive propositions, or
to make propositions of her own.
I transmit herewith a copy of the correspondence between our envoy to
Mexico and the Mexican minister for foreign affairs; and so much of the
correspondence between that envoy and the Secretary of State, and between
the Secretary of War and the general in command on the Del Norte, as is
necessary to a full understanding of the subject.
James Polk
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